Why Chinese politicians about history so-cashmere mafia

Why do Chinese politicians care so much about history, Ma Ying-Jeou’s work around Jiang Jingguo, Yang Wen,  , and what kind of fame will be left in history after death? This is a big problem at that time, Jiang Jingguo thinks. He must create a new historical situation and leave a solid result in order to have a historical assessment that allows him to rest assured. In October 7, 1986, Jiang Jingguo met with Taiwan to visit the United States, "Washington Post" newspaper publisher Ge Lan (Katherine Graham), during the talks, clear up will soon lift the nearly forty years of martial law, and will open the freedom party. Of course, Jiang Jingguo knew that this would be the most explosive content of the interview, and it was bound to be the focus of the Washington Post report. Most of the people in Taiwan learned from the translation of the Washington Post interview that the major news of the lifting of martial law, including most of the members of the kuomintang. The unrest in the Taiwan society shocked the kuomintang. In fact, it is to avoid the party will have a strong resistance, Jiang Jingguo was picked Glenn visit to announce the news, making an established fact. Obviously, not many people in the Kuomintang agreed with Jiang Jingguo’s decision. Even after the Washington Post was published, they all tried to deny the fact. Their intuition is that Americans are wrong and should be corrected quickly. Finding that Americans are not mistaken, Jiang Jingguo really said this, and their second reaction is: this must be a means of international propaganda, Jiang Jingguo is to ease the pressure caused by the non party democratic movement to make this announcement. And then the next wave of shock came. Jiang Jingguo ordered the drafting of "national security law", "demonstration law" and "people’s organizations", preparing for martial law, he is real. The party, all senior cadres who is not against these they seem extremely "dangerous" measures, even worse, they don’t understand why Jiang Jingguo go this way. Why? In part because of Taiwan Social Democratic voice increasingly strong, non movement in 1979 although the "beautiful island incident" suffered a serious setback, but after a couple of years has attracted a new group of young elite, ready to go. Partly because of the establishment of formal diplomatic relations between the United States and the mainland of China, Taiwan is becoming more and more difficult, and democratic reforms must be held to maintain the support of Taiwan in the US congress. These are important factors, but they are not sufficient explanations for Jiang Jingguo’s decisions. Another key factor must be added here, and it is also the most difficult factor for Jiang Jingguo’s Inner Party comrades. That is, Jiang Jingguo’s awareness of the importance of "historical evaluation" is growing in his mind. Jiang Jingguo’s diabetes has become very serious, complicated glaucoma, his vision loss almost blindness, leg edema makes him difficult to move. Jiang Jingguo died after the disclosure data show: this occasion, he suffered Chinese value of traditional culture, there is more to contain the influence on his thinking. After death, 中国政治家为何如此在意历史评价 马英九在蒋经国身边工作(资料图)   文 杨照    死后,将在历史上留下什么样名声呢?这是那段时间,蒋经国念兹在兹的大问题。他必须开创一个新的历史局面,留下稳固的成绩,才能有让自己可以放心的历史评价。   1986年10月7日,蒋经国接见了到台湾访问的美国报人──《华盛顿邮报》发行人葛兰(Katherine Graham),在会谈中,明确表示即将解除长达将近四十年的戒严令,并且会开放自由组党。蒋经国当然知道,这会是访谈中最具爆炸性的内容,也必然会成为《华盛顿邮报》的报道重点。   在台湾的绝大部分人,都是从转译的《华盛顿邮报》访谈报道中,才得知即将解除戒严的重大消息,包括绝大部分国民党内的高层人士。台湾社会为之骚动,国民党内更是为之震撼。事实上,正就是为了避开党内必然会有的强大阻力,蒋经国才特别选了葛兰访问来宣布这个消息,制造既成事实。   很显然,国民党内没有多少人赞同蒋经国的这个决定。就连《华盛顿邮报》报道刊出后,他们都试图否认这个事实。他们的直觉反应是:美国人弄错了,应该要赶紧去更正。发现美国人没有弄错,蒋经国真的说了这话,他们的第二个反应是:这一定是国际宣传的手段,蒋经国是为了缓解因为党外民主运动带来的美国压力,才作此宣告的。   因而,之后就来了下一波的震撼。蒋经国下令研拟“国家安全法”、“集会游行法”和“人民团体法”,为解严做准备,他是玩真的。党内大老、高层干部们不止是反对这些他们看来极度“危险”的措施,更糟的是,他们完全不了解蒋经国为什么要走这条路。   为什么?一部分因为台湾社会上要求民主的声音愈来愈强烈,党外运动虽然在1979年的“美丽岛事件”中受到重挫,然而几年后却吸引了新的一批青年菁英,蓄势待发。一部分因为美国和中国大陆建立正式邦交之后,台湾处境愈来愈困难,必须以民主改革来维系美国国会中对台湾支持的力量。这些都是重要的因素,但却不是对于蒋经国决策的充分解释。   这里必须加上另外一项关键因素,也是蒋经国的党内同志们最不容易理解的因素,那就是蒋经国自知去日无多,他心中愈来愈高涨的对“历史评价”的重视。蒋经国的糖尿病已经很严重了,并发的青光眼让他视力减退近乎盲眼,腿部水肿则让他行动困难。蒋经国去世后陆续披露的数据显示:死生之际,他所受的中国传统文化价值影响,对他的思考有了愈来愈大的牵制影响。   死后,将在历史上留下什么样名声呢?这是那段时间,蒋经国念兹在兹的大问题。后世史家会记录他在建设台湾上有一定的贡献,这是他可以稍感安心的;但后世史家却也一定会记录他长期主持台湾情治系统,调查、迫害了多少人,多少“白色恐怖”时期的案件都和他脱不了关系,这是他最担心害怕的。   要在历史上留下正面的评价,他需要比作为一个成功的执政者更大的功绩,才能平衡、盖过“白色恐怖”中他犯下的错误。他必须开创一个新的历史局面,留下稳固的成绩,才能有让自己可以放心的历史评价。   离他谢世,只有一年多一点的时间中,蒋经国是在替自己的历史评价努力。他想到的、看到的,不再是现实利益与眼前权力,而是更长更普遍的是非价值,所以他自愿放弃许多仍然把握在国民党手中的巨大权力手段,给台湾多一点自由,多一点民主。   1987年9月,民进党宣布成立,蒋经国压制了国民党内一片取缔、逮捕的呼声,默认同意了它的存在,让台湾民主迈进了很大一步,更替台湾省下了许多动荡与恐慌。   这些过程,尤其是蒋经国临终前回复到中国传统态度,对历史的看重,大概没有人比马英九更清楚了。毕竟1986年10月蒋经国和葛兰的访谈,就是透过马英九担任英文秘书的居中翻译,才有办法进行的。马英九还曾为了要口译如此重要、历史性的讯息而大感紧张,承受了空前压力。   还记得,马英九在2012年胜选时说过:他虽然没有了连任的压力,却有历史评价的压力时,我们有理由相信他的话中指涉了蒋经国晚年的这段典故。时至2016年2月,倏忽已到马英九、蔡英文权力交接中,这不由得让人心生好奇:回顾从政生涯,马英九究竟会给自己打几分呢?(诚然,历史评价从来不能由自己作出,而有待后世史家作出。)但不管怎么说,或许我们也有理由相信,在有心有为的政治家身上,也还是传流了这样一种在意历史评价的中国文化传统,不管他是在这头还是在那头。   (作者为台湾作家)   (声明:本文仅代表作者观点,不代表新浪网立场。)相关的主题文章: